The position of Fidesz on the politically motivated attacks by the government against the leadership of independent agencies

Dátum: 2003-09-24 14:32:00, eredeti URL: http://archiv.fidesz.hu/index.php?Cikk=15030
KCMDB-be feltöltve: 2024-05-04 18:51:09.112708, Feltöltő: fidesz_hu_scraper_v2

Upon taking office, in parrallel with large-scale political cleansing in the state administration, the Medgyessy-government also started operations against those independent agencies which were not under the direct supervision of the government. Following agressive campaigns against the president of the Hungarian National Bank this January over economic policy, the attempts to achieve either an outright removal of, or a forced resignation by the PSZÁF-president and the Chief Public Prosecutor in the last two months have reached an extent which may seriously compromise the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary. Continued political attacks against the leadership of the Hungarian Public Radio endanger the freedom of the media. Though cautiously, the socialist government is also attacking the President of the Republic, Mr Ferenc Mádl.

Offensive against the president of the Hungarian Financial Supervisory Authority (PSZÁF):

The PSZÁF-president was a target for the Medgyessy-government from the beginning. Finance Minister Csaba László asked him in person to resign back in 2002. In June 2003, an anonymous report leaked to the press, which turned out to have been prepared to a great extent by Mr Keller's secretariat in August 2002. This report aimed at discrediting the PSZÁF-president with alleged abuses in office and contained action plans as regards his dismissal. The report came out shortly after Mr Szász was brutally beaten up by unknown perpetrators on 16 June 2003, just before the PSZÁF-resolution on the Pannonplast-scandal.

A full-scale offensive was launched against Mr Károly Szász after investigations into the Pannonplast/K&H-scandal, initiated by PSZÁF, brought up the potential implication of high government circles this summer. Late July, PSZÁF began on-the-spot investigations at Inter-Európa Bank (where Mr Medgyessy was CEO from 1999 to 2001) on suspicion of money-laundering, which resulted in police investigation in August. Statements made by leading socialist politicians since then show a clear determination by the government to get rid of the leader of the independent authority igniting the scandal.

 The offensive was launched on 6 August 2003 at a news conference by government spokesman Zoltán Gál Jr.: "Mr Szász has been aware of the activities [going on within K&H Equities] for years...Mr Szász has to be held responsible for the damage done to K&H's clients resulting from a lack of action on behalf PSZÁF."

 In an interview with the prime minister at the commercial radio station Klub Rádió on 18 August 2003 (the day PSZÁF initiated police investigation at Inter-Európa Bank), Mr Medgyessy said: "People have run out of patience regarding those state institutions and civil servants who have not proven so far that they are not driven by political intentions...We may have to get rid of a few persons...Responsibility for the K&H-affair may be found in the bank and at the auditing firm, and the financial supervision authority has a huge responsibility, as well."

 On 20 August 2003, the Minister of Finance ordered a comprehensive investigation into the responsibility of PSZÁF in the K&H scandal. This despite the government has no investigative authority over PSZÁF in running cases.

 László Keller, state secretary in the Prime Mininster's Office, was quoted as saying in the daily Magyar Hírlap on 23 August 2003: "The president of PSZÁF is trying to give the impression with the help, if not with the political protection, of Fidesz as if the government had anything to do with the broker scandal... Mr Szász's responsibility has to be examined also in cases when the authority, with the president's approval, provided certificates of banking operation to non-eligible persons' enterprises."

 In an interview to Hungarian Public Radio on 26 August 2003, the prime minister said: "If a new person is to accede to the presidency of the National Financial Supervision Authority, that will certainly be a person beyond any suspicion, a person acceptable to all sides. There are many such persons in the economy."

 At a press conference later that day, Prime Minister Medgyessy said: "I do not want to prejudge on the dismissal of Mr Károly Szász, because I want to see clearly what the authority's responsibility is in the clients not feeling themselves in safety and in billions being stolen in front of their eyes...The nation is financing the supervision authority and its leaders so that they prevent such cases from happening...I think we may expect with good reason that they decide with responsibility in certain questions. One thing is sure: it is not working that someone is running ahead into a counter-attack when he feels that the soil is getting hot under his feet."

 On 31 August 2003, socialist MP Zsolt Török on a local television newsshow in Eger said the following: "[Mr Szász] is trying to play a martyr here, trying to sell himself as a victim of political persecution...I know the laws very well, but I am also regretful that such laws are in force in Hungary. The adequate treatment for Mr Szász and for others of his kind would be property confiscation, and from that point on, we may negotiate on how long he will be sitting in prison."

Offensive against the Chief Public Prosecutor:

The Medgyessy-government is also intent on harming the independence of the judiciary, highlighted by the ongoing politically motivated verbal and legal attacks against the Chief Public Prosecutor. Mr Péter Polt is targeted on the grounds that the prosecution is trying to cover-up alleged corruption by the previous government.

Alleged corruption cases were high on the socialist campaign agenda in last year's election campaign. After taking office, the Medgyessy-government set up a state secretariat within the Prime Minister's Office, "responsible for the integrity of public funds", headed by Mr László Keller. In fact, Mr Keller's activity has been that of a political witchhunt: circumventing the agencies tasked with screening public funds (State Audit Office, Government Controlling Office), he initiated police investigations into alleged corruption cases of the previous government. Twenty investigations have been either rejected or suspended so far by the police or the prosecution, and only one case reached the phase of indictment. (Investigations are still going in another twenty-one cases.)

As the politically initiated investigations did not yield the "desired" results, attacks against the Chief Public Prosecutor intensified. The political nature of these attacks is further reinforced by the fact that in the overwhelming majority of the suspended cases (15 out of 20), it was not the prosecution but the police, under the direction of the Minister of the Interior, which halted the investigations. However, government politicians never criticised the police, but rather, the chief prosecutor. These attacks have reached the extent that the president of the Supreme Court, Mr Zoltán Lomniczi, called on politics two weeks ago to stay away from the independence of the judiciary.

 Mr Polt was regularly interpellated by coalition politicians in Parliament on alleged corruption cases of the Orbán-government, and his answers were all the times rejected (voted against) by the majority.

 In May 2003, the coalition majority in the Parliament's constitutional affairs committee approved a resolution criticising and denouncing the Chief Public Prosecutor's record on exploring alleged corruption cases of the previous government.

 In June 2003, an anonymous report was leaked to the press, which attempted to prove a political bias in the prosecution's decisions regarding individual cases and portray Mr Polt's activity as a political one. The report was apparently prepared by using secret methods, using internal prosecution information unknown to the public.

 In an interview given to the daily Népszava on 30 August 2003, State Secretary László Keller said: "I can...feel a degree of healthy impatience coming from the society in order to find those responsible [for the previous government's dealings]. At the same time, we must ask for the understanding of the society for not being able to settle these issues by bolshevik means but within the given legal framework."

 At a party forum for socialist politicians on 14 September 2003, party president László Kovács commented on alleged corruption cases by the previous government. He said: "It is to be expected that the prosecution participate in delivering juctice concerning the dissipation of hundreds of millions not by the suspension of the investigations but by indictment. At present, the prosecution, instead of prosecuting crime, is taking stand in certain cases in a way appearing to be siding with crime."

 Although the Chief Public Prosecutor may not be questioned by Parliament on on-going cases, the socialists and free democrats announced a few weeks ago that they would cite Mr Polt in front of Parliament at least once every week by interpellating or questioning him.

Operations against other institutions (in brief):

President of the Republic

President Ferenc Mádl is also attacked in his efforts of guarding the integrity of the constitutional order and the rule of law, including the independence of certain agencies. The following is an extract from one of the recent issues of the newsletter of the Central Bureau of the Hungarian Socialist Party (31 August 2003). Its editor-in-chief is Mr Gábor Juhász, spokesman of the parliamentary group:

"A few days ago, President Mádl has received Mr Szász, president of PSZÁF, in his office...Following multiple and ever stronger signs, the head of state, who should be a person above party cleavages, has now demonstrated that he is a dedicated right-wing person. He gathers, receives and supports all those who have taken a stand opposing the government's will. This is what President Mádl did during the debate on the Healthcare Privatisation Act and the Public Education Act, and that is why he defended the chairman of the Public Radio, as well. That is why he hosted Mr Zsigmond Járai, chairman of the Hungarian National Bank (who has publically protected Mr Károly Szász), and that is why Mr Péter Polt also visited the President of the Republic: the prosecution under his control is not willing to give his consent to investigations against Mr Szász."

Chairman of the Hungarian National Bank

 The Law on the Hungarian National Bank was amended in 2002, whereby political appointees were placed on the board of the Bank.

 Verbal and media attacks by socialist and free democrat politicians in January 2003 to force a devaluation of the forint

Chairman of the Hungarian Public Radio

 Means of independent financing (subscription fees) abolished, the HR is economically 100 percent dependent on the government.

 Lack of financing for 2004 (only HUF 500 million), as compared to the Hungarian National Television (HUF 6 billion), already under socialist political control.

 Socialist and free democrat members on the HR board vindicate a right to intervene in programming (which they do not have), and they regularly call publically on the HR president to resign.

 Intellectuals with well-known connections to the political left regularly call on the HR president to resign.

Budapest, 20 September 2003