Europe is our future, Hungary is our homeland
Dátum: 2002-12-07 15:57:00, eredeti URL: http://archiv.fidesz.hu/index.php?Cikk=6352
KCMDB-be feltöltve: 2024-05-04 17:57:11.738585, Feltöltő: fidesz_hu_scraper_v2
The following is a short abstract of the 70-page-document titled "Europe is our future, Hungary is our homeland", adopted by the Congress of Fidesz on 7 December 2002.
The opportunities and responsibilities of the new millenium
Having established a functioning democracy, Hungary has once again the opportunity to define and accomplish its national goals. It matters, therefore, which path to choose on the threshold of European accession. The present government follows the "euro-servile" way, placing internationalist considerations above national ones. The center of strategy for Fidesz - Hungarian Civic Party, as manifested during the tenure of the previous center-right government, is the strong protection of national interests.
The last phase of the pre-accession period is very important for Hungary. This is the period when the citizens, families, employees, entrepreneurs, farmers, pensioners, students, cities, villages and regions can be prepared to face the new post-accession environment. The European Union will not be examining whether this national preparation will be accomplished, or not. Positive or negative judgement on the issue will be articulated, through the individual experiences, by the whole nation.
The reunification of Europe can bring the legitimacy and strengthening of the forces of national cohesion, not recognised by the 20th century. However, the tendencies of the global economy are aimed at the dismantlement of national frameworks, and it is therefore our common responsibility to strengthen our positions in the world by increasing Hungarian national cohesion and competitiveness. Our nation's future is only secured by holding ground in the global economic competition. Autarchy and isolation have lost their relevance and meaning, international processes determine national processes, as well.
The events in 1989-90 implied the dismantlement of existing political, social and economic structure linked to Soviet domination, and approaching the developed world. As a logical result, the Hungarian economy became internationalised in a way that national positions could not be preserved, as opposed to Western democracies, where national independence and internal strength enjoyed centuries-old traditions. Moreover, the Europe-euforia ("EU-phoria") of the early 1990's made accession itself, and not the content of accesion, a goal for Hungarian foreign policy. The EU-phoria deprived ourselves of independent thinking and concealed the fact that EU-accession would also happen in a global context. We failed to recognise what the member states of the European Union had already realised: without their national existence and identities, it is not only their nations that are going to be dissolved in globalisation, but also the EU.
The extremely quick economic liberalisation and the support for the swift influx of foreign investments in the early 1990's, in spite of the good will, contributed to Hungary becoming a ground for globalisation. It remains an economic policy task for the early 21st century to find the optimal relationship between a development serving national interests and European accession. We can only consolidate our national values, interests and sovereignty in the 21st century if we consolidate our positions in the world, the European Union and in the euro-atlantic region.
NATO-membership created a much more favourable situation for Hungary, as it secured a place in one of the most important global structures and provided guaranteed framework for the definition of national development programs. Membership in the North Atlantic Alliance have also reduced the constraint to accelerate Hungary's EU-accession at all costs.
As a result of the characteristics of Hungarian transition, our country's integration into international cooperation in the 1990's was not accompanied by measures that would have delineated the course of our future development. This was the mission of the center-right government of 1998-2002, and this is a question that cannnot be ignored in the upcoming years, either. Only a strong economy and the cohesion of values and commitments can be a basis of internal stability and standing the ground in Europe and in the world.
The Lisbon Declaration of March 2000 was an important step in the European Union's adaptation to the challenges of global competition in the field of information technology. Hungary must follow suit, as a technical backwardness threatens our competitiveness which in turn questions the viability of our values. That is how the concept emerged of launching the development plan of our own, in conjunction with European harmonisation programs, to be named as the Széchenyi Plan. This plan, fitting the framework of the globalised economy, but in essence strengthening the basis of our national cohesion, offered real chances for the consolidation of the Hungarian economy, with new projects in every second community of the country. The Széchenyi Plan showed that it is possible to run a successful economic policy without austerity measures. The Medgyessy-government, however, finished off the programs of the Plan and replaced it with a National Development Plan which is a collection of generalities. A national consensus is needed on the aims and the programs providing the internal economic force which cannot be substituted by an even high level of external preparation and harmonisation. Unfortunately, the majority of socialist politicians is not on this path of the resolute protection of national interests, and those favouring it have been pushed to the peripheries.
Post-1945 Hungarian history had some cornerstone events that can be characterised as attempts to return to Europe. Such was the 1956 revolution, the 1968 new economic mechanism (which resulted in the appearance of a managerial class) and the gradual transition that began in the mid-1980's and finished in 1989/90. As a result of the characteristics of this process, and in the momentum of getting rid as quickly as possible of the CMEA and the Warsaw Pact, the joining of the democratic, developed Western world was accomplished without Hungary ever establishing its own independent economic force. By 2000, companies with some extent of foreign interest accounted for 80 percent of Hungarian exports. At the end of the 1990's, foreign ownership in the banking spehere was over 70 percent. Less than 1 percent of the companies account for over half of Hungarian GDP, whereas small and medium-sized enterprises, the cradle of a Hungarian middle-class, is economically weak. The Hungarian financial sector has thus become international before any strengthening of a national system of financial institutions could happen. GDP-figures are silent on internal economic structures. The Széchenyi Plan was an attempt in internally boosting the Hungarian economy. In consolidating our own forces and conditions of living we can courageously become an appreciated part of Europe.
Ever since the end of World War II till the 1990's, Hungarian economic policy had centered around the question of restoring the balance. Austerity packages were designed to boost gross production figures, totally ignoring the human principle. The sectors not immediately connected to economic production, like healthcare, education, culture, environment, had automatically been pushed to the background. Today, these are the areas with the bigges backwardness, and these areas directly or indirectly impede economic growth and have a much stronger effect than daily economic figures on the mentality and capacities of future generations. In some of these sectors, European harmonisation obliges us to close the gap. In the direct human sphere, however, a definition and accomplishments of national goals is necessary.
For over four decades, Hungary had been torn out of the mainstream of European development and was forced to apply Soviet methods in every walks of life. Most of the backwardness, the elimination of which is impatiently urged, with modest help, by the European Union in life standards, the environment, infrastructure, etc. is due to this historical fact. Closing the gap between the old and new members in this regard is also in the interest of more developed European states, as it is best demostrated by the examples of the infrastructure (highway-development projects linking Western and Eastern Europe) and of the environment (transnational effects).
In the beginning of the 21st century, it is not the national development which will become a tool for our European accession and creation of our global competitiveness, but the opposite is true: additional strenth can be gained by European accession, and rational and emotionless acknowledgement of the facts of a globalised world can be the promoter of national development. Hungarians will accept EU-membership if they feel that the newly adopted values are in kinship with the nation's values and goals. Together with a resolute representation of national interests and the improvement of national cohesion in the period until accession, the conditions for clearsightedness must also be established, as one can only decide in a responsible manner about facts and figures.
Only a political intention manifested in concrete political actions is able to unite the force of the different political actors and thus to increase the nation's cohesion. And this intention is represented by the forces of the center-right today in Hungary. We have to give correct answers to the questions affercting the nation's future in the long run: we have to solve the problem of land property, to strengthen the role of national companies in the economy, the situation of the Hungarian labour force, we have to accomplish the transborder national re-unification. We have to discuss the issues concerning education, security, housing policy, pensions, the political balance of the media, and the question of our common heritage, national unity. A nation stronger in its self-esteem and cohesion will be more capable of standing the ground in the international competition and of contributing to its international relationships. In the early 21st century, the entirety of European goals seems not to be in contradiction with our national goals. On the contrary, a great percentage of them are oin harmony with each other.
The integration programme of Fidesz - Hungarian Civic Party
Fidesz - Hungarian Civic Party has supported Hungary's European integration since its foundation. However, it is necessary for a successful integration that our country and the Hungarian citizens are prepared for our accession. We are convinced that only a strong, self-confident Hungary that is able to represent its interests can become a successful member of the European Union.
Until our positions are not properly strengthened, we have to secure the defence of our national interests and values. Bad compromises might drive us to the margin of the Union. Contrary to the opinion of many "euro-servile" - mostly Socialist and Free Democrat - politicians we believe that there is badly prepared accession, it is possible to join the EU in a bad way! Our interpretation is that we do not give up our sovereignty in any form, we will only practise some elements of it together with the other member states.
One of the most important goals of the civic government was to strengthen the position of the Hungarian participants in social and economic life while increasing the production of the economy. The gradual decrease of inflation has to continue in the coming years and investments and the domestic small- and medium-sized enterprises have to be promoted so that the balance factors of the economy do not worsen. Those reforms that were started earlier (career programmes for public servants, police officers, soldiers, teachers, the restructuring of health care) and increased the efficiency of state budget, have to be continued.
Following our accession, the next step of our integration will be the accession to the European Monetary Union. In this question there is a consensus between the participants in Hungarian political and economic life. However, Hungarian citizens have to be aware of the fact that the condition of this accession is to fulfil the so-called Maastricht-criteria, which among others include low inflation.
We have to increase the role of small regions, the effect of which could be that new developments could be started by local citizens and institutions. We also have to increase the enterprise-strengthening programmes in order to increase the number and rate of competitive enterprises and the ability of these to provide new jobs. There should be individual programmes developed for the Alföld and the Tisza-region, as well as for the development of the capital, Budapest.
Tourism could be a success area of the Hungarian economy if it receives proper subsidies. The task of development is to widen supply and to raise quality, as well as to stimulate health, congress, cultural and internal tourism.
The minimum wage was 19.500 HUF in 1998, in 2002 it was 50.000 HUF, the average wage was 67.000 HUF in 1998, in 2002 it was 114.000 HUF. We cannot expect too much working force leaving Hungary, therefore proper conditions for work and life has to be secured for millions of workers here, at home. One of the most significant elements of the programme of Fidesz was to raise wages to a European level and to create and finance predictable career programmes. We are looking forward to the continuation. It is necessary for us in order to reach the ambitious goal: the Hungarian living standard has to reach the average of the European Union. However, we consider it an alarming sign that the number of unemployed workers has risen by 15.000 in the 6 months of the Socialist government. Economic policy, working and employment policies, educational policy, as well as resolute regional development together can only solve the problem of unemployment and thus reach full employment.
The civic government has made family allowance accessible for everybody, the Socialist government stopped schooling subsidies. The civic government has re-introduced maternity benefit, the Socialist government is now trying to reduce its value. We introduced subsidies and allowances for building flats and proposed further significant increases, the Socialist government has stopped the further development of the system. We have increased the amount of supplementary family allowance, the Socialist government has taken even the name of this allowance. Contrary to their previous promises, in 2003 they are going to "freeze" family allowance, as they are going to reduce its real value proportionally to inflation. The policy of the Socialist government does not lead towards social market economy because it lacks social sensitivity and consciousness. We do not want to follow this path. Our path is the direction that we started and that should be followed, as it leads us to the socially developed European Union.
Among the different fields of our social life, our accession will have the most significant effect on agriculture. Today, agricultural policy is the most centralised of all EU the policies, member states have the smallest independence in this area, in other words, after our accession the Hungarian government will be very rarely able to influence directly the matters of agriculture. In Hungary, the role of agriculture is more important than in most of the EU-countries. Following our accession the transitional situation will cease to exist, the total, nearly 500 million market of the European Union will become available, we will receive EU subsidies, regional development sources will increase and employment situation in the countryside will become better. But in case of unsuccessful negotiations, long "second-rate" membership, or limited direct EU subsidies as well as low determined quotes and unjustified limitation on production will await for us.
We regard the point of view of the European Union discriminative and injurious in the question of direct payments, which says that we would receive 100% of the subsidies only after a 10-year-long transition period. We call upon the government to stick to the official standpoint represented by the civic government, according to which we would receive 100% of the subsidies already from the first year!
The plans of the government until the accession do not secure the conditions necessary for the successful preparation. We regard it unacceptable that the government does not provide no state subsidies for the same field because of the SAPARD Programme. The civic government has secured - considering the challenges arising from the accession - the pre-emptive and the pre-leasing rights for the family farms. The Socialist government has stopped this.
We have to protect and help the Hungarian specialities, regional products to enter the market more efficiently. We have to establish representations of interests that are competitive with their colleagues on a European level. The National Development Plan, which was prepared by the civic government, determines the development strategy, goals and means of Hungary for a long term and it also includes the spending of the budgetary resources.
We have to prevent that regional policy becomes the tool of the Socialist - Free Democrat party-politics. The local and regional system of conditions for the knowledge-based society should be created and the remedial programme as well as the attractiveness of the rural regions have to be secured, too.
The so-called e-economy is one of the cornerstones of the building of our future. The civic government, parallel with the eEurope programme has spent more than 30 billion HUF on it annually from the state budget. Following the passing of the Telecommunication Law prices have decreased slower and to a lesser degree than expected. Competition has to be stimulated. The enlargement of top speed networks has to be continued with the help of the structural funds of the EU.
The primary goals of our country's youth policy should be to avoid the pitfalls that accompany the accession and to utilise the opportunities it offers. The youth policy that is preparing for the accession has to take it as a priority to take care of the youth of the Hungarian minorities that either integrate together with us, or that are left out form the accession process.
Fidesz - Hungarian Civic Party - as the Hungarian citizens are in the centre of its policies - in such an important question, like the European integration, supports a decisive referendum, in which citizens can make the decision on the future of our country.
The European People's Party, which includes the centre-right parties of Europe has elected Viktor Orbán as vice-president of the organisation at its Congress in Estoril. The idea of the European Union also comes from Christian-Democratic politicians. We can only continue their work if we establish a common, human, efficient and competitive Europe. The Europe of common values where citizens, families and nations can live together.
We should not forget:
Europe is our future - a historical chance and promise!
Hungary is our homeland! And remains so forever.
Budapest, 7 December 2002