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Jelentkezz be a személyes hírfolyam és a cikkbeküldések eléréséhez.

"Europe is our future, Hungary is our homeland"


Dátum: 2002-12-11 18:06:00, eredeti URL: http://archiv.fidesz.hu/index.php?Cikk=6458
KCMDB-be feltöltve: 2024-05-04 17:57:44.220155, Feltöltő: fidesz_hu_scraper_v2


Good Morning, Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to welcome the guests of our Congress, the representatives of the diplomatic corps, it is a distinguished honour to welcome caucus leader Pöttering, and it is with pleasure that I welcome all the deputies of the Congress, good morning.

Indeed, my job now is to present the thesis paper "Europe is our future, Hungary is our homeland". My situation is similar to that of a British Member of Parliament about a hudred and some years ago, when he took the floor by saying, "before I deliver my speech, let me tell you something".

Well, that is the case with me.

Dear Friends, a journey may end next weekend in Copenhagen. A period may come to an end that we have called the the division of Europe. Until the 20th century, in spite of the sometimes bloody conflicts among the continent's nations, Europe was a unified entity up until the 20th century. Its unity stemmed from the common culture on the one hand, and the roots (?) to Christianity on the other. These roots were attempted to be torn away, this culture was intended to be destroyed by the two consecutive versions of socialism, national socialism and international socialism. Following the 1990 fall of international socialism in Hungary, it was natural for the political forces pushing for the change of the regime at that time to put their efforts at the service of European reunification. Twelve years of our work may yield its results one week from now. Indeed, as you heard a short while ago, it fell to our share as the leading party in government to start the accession negotiations. We carried out the bulk of the job by successfully negotiating and closing more than twenty chapters and thus launching Hungary on the path of successful accession. A distinguished tribute and thanks goes for this work, which was indeed a huge work, to the foreign minister of the center-right government, Mr. János Martonyi, whom I have the special privilege to welcome here at this congress.

Dear Congress,

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen, dear friends,

However long the road might have been, we have at last received an invitation and we took on our best clothes, as we were told long ago and we understood that we cannot enter such a prestigious club in rags and tatters.

We have been working for twelve years so that we could afford visiting a decent tailor. Eventually, in our elegant clothes tailored to size, we turned up at the address we were given. Instead of a red carpet, we were confronted with bald, morose gatekeepers distributing admission serial numbers.

Instead of a friendly hug, let us not mince our words, we had to force our way into building. This was the first time we became suspicious. The second time was when we found out that there was no room left for our coat. That was when we suddenly realised that, perhaps while we took great pains over our preparation at the tailor, other guests, less squeamish about their clothing, had been stepping upon each other's toes in the hallway that proved to be too confined.

Well, my dear friends, that is where we are standing at the moment. Although our clothes, not so long ago a masterpiece, have become somewhat crumpled and stained, the rumour says that the door of the saloon will finally be opened next week in Copenhagen.

Dear friends,

As it is a custom at decent places, the menu card had been presented well in advance. We have been witing for this piece of reading for a generation. It is perhaps the long waiting period, decades of canned prison ration, or today's European gastronomic trends which make us feel this way, but at first sight the offer seems to be somewhat meagre, almost diabetic. This is something we can struggle with, but, glancing through the doorway, the tableware also seems to be less. Perhaps, originally fewer guests were expected.

What is to be done, my dear friends?

In such an unpleasant and embarrassing situation a real gentleman, having accepted the invitation, guards its cold bloodedness. He would not let confused circumstances detour its attention from the menu card.

Let us see, my dear friends! If we take into consideration all the subvention forms that is intended to be put at our disposal by the European Union, the agricultural subventions, the amounts arriving from the structural and cohesion funds, than, considering also the EU's own estimates, we will receive about 40 percent of the support that we would originally be eligible for. We are not happy about this, but it is worth considering the strong argument of our negotiating partners, notably that there is no more money. However, if we only get 40 percent of the money we would be eligible for, we should seriously be thinking about why the European Union believes that we should be accomplishing 100 percent of our share of the obligations, that is to say contributions, from the first full year of membership, 2005.

Dear Friends, the balance of rights and obligations is the basis of every civil society. The European Union is a civil society. Therefore, we rightly keep stepping up with our demand until the last moment of the negotiations that the rights and obligations have to be brought into harmony.

Dear Friends, if I consider the agricultural subsidies, then in the beginning only 25 percent will be at our disposal of the otherwise significant amount of so-called direct payments, whereas 100 percent is planned to be reached under a longer period of 9-10 years. I am sure that deputies are sitting here from Győr-Moson-Sopron county, if not else, than my fellow deputy Szájer. How will this look like? A farmer in Burgenland, producing let us say cereals, will get around 70-75 thousand forints per acre as direct payment, whereas the farmer running a business a hundred meters from there in Győr-Moson-Sopron county will get 25 percent of this amount. And it will go on like this for years.

We can say out loud that it is a rightful demand on behalf of Central European countries to ask for a higher starting amount and a much shorther transitional period for our farmers in the remaining phase of the negotiations. Nevertheless, we cannot utterly accept, on a basis of principle, why the European Union does not want to allow us to supplement this 25 percent to 100 percent from our own national budgets. The bargaining is now whether we could make it until 40 percent or 50 percent.

I am asking, my dear friends, what is the basis of principle for this? Well, Ladies and Gentleman, the biggest problem is not here. The agricultural productions quotas offered by the European Union are well behind what the center-right government outlined and submitted as the basis of negotations. The debate is now centering around quotas which would make it impossible for the Hungarian agriculture, otherwise enjoying good potentials and an ability to strengthen, to be able to rise above a certain level. We have to ask the government therefore, moreover, to strongly call its attention not to concede a single step, or to concede one step at maximum, in the area of agricultural quotas where there is no uniform regulation for the candidate countries and where every country is offered individual conditions.

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,

As it is observed, we have found ourselves in the midst of heated debate and struggle, instead of a welcoming party. I do not want you to think that this will all be over by the closure of the accession negotiations, after having entered the European Union. No, my dear friends, then will begin another type of struggle, the debates and struggles among the countries within the European Union. Whoever hopes that eternal peace or a peaceful nap after lunch is awaiting him is wrong. It is like when the small fish approaches the big fish and asks: "You are elder and more experienced than I am. Could you tell me where I can find the ocean? I am searching it in vain." "The ocean, answers the old fish, is the one you are currently swimming in." "But this is just water", said the younger fish and left unsatisfied, continuing the search.

Well, let us not have the same experience, Ladies and Gentlemen. We had better face the realities, being a member of the European Union means a constant struggle for national interests. Well, having presented this appetising introduction, let us pose, as I could put it, the question of questions, which might sound the following way: if it is true that further struggles are awaiting us after accession, if it is true that the economic conditions of accession are worse than anyone among us could have thought, if the conditions of accession are at several points contrary to the principles of fair competition, common sense and fairness, is it still worth entering the European Union?

Well, my dear friends, we have gathered here today in order to say yes to this question. Yes, it is still worth entering. This is the thought, this is the statement that the thesis paper you are holding in your hands is about. It is still worth for us to enter.

It is first of all worth, because the four years of the center-right government has proved that the interest of the nation and European unification can be harmonised. Europe is our future, Hungary is our homeland.

Of course, there are always some who place the so-called international expectations above the nation's interests. Once upon a time we called them Moscovites, now we could call them Brusselites. It is funny when the new euroserviles, the new Brusselites who defended the Warsaw Pact and the CMEA when we were already working for the goals of European reunification, instruct us on Europeanism. When I am listening to them, I am not annoyed. I am amused, because a story comes to my mind, featuring a wagoner, whose horse suddenly halts. The wagoner in the driver's seat is just beating the horse, urging it to move on: gee up! Then he gets off the seat and proceeds to have a look at what the problem is. He notices that there is a huge gap on the road. having slowly climbed back to the seat, he shouts: I'm sorry, whoa!

Well, Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,

The second reason for saying yes, I am suggesting you, to an accession even with such conditions is because the aim of and point in the European Union, I could perhaps say, the ultimate aim and ultimate point is the dissolution of borders, not nations, but borders and the connection of peoples. The borders drawn by earlier international politics have less and less significance. This is an elementary Hungarian interest. If we enter the European Union, although we will have some difficult years, sevaral million Hungarians will feel themselves closer to us, after all.

The third reason for saying yes is because Hungary's size do not make it possible to isolate herself from the outside world. Only firmness in the global economic competition may secure the future of our nation.

Fourthly, please bear in mind that the significance of national identities is growing in the European Union. The member states have recognised that the weakening of nations at the same time means the dissolution of the European Union, the loss of its character and values in the globalising world.

Fifthly: the fifth argument by our yes vote is that by European accession we may gain such a supplementary strength that may facilitate our national development. It has to be admitted, though, that the supplementary strength is way behind what we expected. Moreover, we cannot have any knowledge about the new seven-year budgetary period starting in 2007, and the preliminary agreement between the French president and the German Chancellor on the issue is a more than alarming sign.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Accession in itself will not result in the improvement of Hungary's competitiveness, and will not result in an automatic increase of the living standards. If we accede poorly, we will be disappointed and people will be unsatisfied. To acceede successfully means grasping the opportunties provided by the European Union. The real mission of the budget for 2003 would be to provide a last significant boost to farmers, small and medium-sized enterprises, families and pensioners.

Yes, my dear friends, not only to entrepreneurs, but also to families and pensioners, because following EU-accession, although there is a debate on the speed of the process, the prices, as well as the wages will increase. Hungarians, however, also know that if one is talking about the levelling of prices and of wages, prices are always levelled more quickly, than wages. This common sense sould be reflected in the 2003 budget. However, the 2003 budget, which have been given the extreme unction by experts even before it could have come into force, is totally inadequate for this purpose.

The 2003 budget and the current economic policy, if not changed, may contribute to Hungary getting into a serious situation. To no effect will the European Union offer an opportunity for strengthening, if we are not able to live with this opportunity. Similarily to Uncle John in the story when he is asked by the doctor if the tonic prescribed the previous week was of use. Uncle John answered: I could not take off the cap.

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,

we should not have the same experience. It is sometimes said that one of the secure grounds of the European Union is the German-French handshake. I am convinced, my friends that we should be advocating a Central European identity which will continue to exist in the European Union. This would be our handshake.

We have done a lot for the Central European spirit, culture and economic strength in the last four years. That is why we were not willing to participate in an anti-Austrian campaign, which lacked basic principles and aborted in its aims and tools, however strong the pressure might have been on us. It was the Central European spirit which made us create the quadrilateral cooperation of Bavaria, Baden-Württenberg, Austria and Hungary. That is why we founded the German-language university, that is why we created the Visegrád cultural fund and that is why we rebuilt the bridge at Párkány. That is why did not join the political forces advocating the isolation of Croatia, not even under the late President Tudjman. That is why we made a free trade agreement, perhaps as the first country, with the new Yugoslavia.

Dear Friends,

Three quarters of our exports is directed to the European Union. Further opportunities of economic growth will be in Central and Southeastern Europe. This is where we have to concentrate our force and attention.

Dear Friends, and now a few thoughts about some of the issues the document places emphasis on. First, perhaps, on national identity. The thesis paper states, and I agree with this assumption, that the weak countries, withered in their national economic force and national values, if they enter an integration, will become even weaker and will dissolve in the melting pot of a larger community. Nations strong in their cohesion are becoming even stronger upon entering the European Union and may gain added values from linking up interests and common values. This is why it is important that the Hungarian government in general possess a strong national self-esteem and patriotism. National self-humiliation is not part of the European Union's acquis communautaire. We had better recall Prime Minister Teleki's remarks in saying that there are no small nations, but defeatist ones and there are no small people but poor-spirited ones.

Some of you perhaps know the story that suits this context. The conductor stops the orchestra during rehearsal and turns to the first violinist, asking him whether he has any problems with Beethoven. Not at all, the violinist answers, he is a great figure of music history. After a few moments, the conductor stops the orchestra again, and asks the violinist: is it perhaps the Ninth Symphony that he has problems with? The answer: no, no, it is the peak of Beethoven's carreer. The rehearsal goes on, but the conductor stops for the third time: is it movement no. three that he disprefers? You know, Mr. Conductor, answers the violinist, the truth is that I do not like playing the violin. With 1 December behind us, this is a story that is worth memorising.

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me say a few words about two or three significant economic aspects outlined in the document.

Dear Friends, the civic transition of 1990 has made the launch of EU-accession possible. However, from the process started in the 80's inevitably arouse the fact that at the beginning of the 90's, Hungary and the Hungarian economy has become international because of the quick opening and the quick liberalisation in a way that it could not keep the national lines of force for not even a second. Thus, as opposed to most of the other Western European democracies where national independence and building force realised in the political and economic pratice existed within the framework of civic democracy for decades, or centuries, in the case of luckier nations, Hungary could step of its own national path for not even a single second. We have to face this situation very seriously. That is why we said in the past few years that we need economic patriotism. The companies owned by the state should not be privatised, they have to be kept, the small- and medium-sized enterprises have to be supported and Hungarian entrepreneurs have to be helped by all means and methods that are not prohibited by international treaties. It is rarely mentioned, but there are many countries in the European Union where 90-95 percent of public procurements, considered here in Hungary to have a magical power, are obtained by local firms. We also have to follow this path.

You must have experienced that if we wanted to argue in favour of our European integration in some conversations, sooner or later somehow the question arises: how should we relate to, or how should we think about the big, multinational companies that have become determining in the modern world? In my opinion, not clarifying this point might weaken the intention on EU-integration. Therefore, it is useful to clear this question up. This document undertook this task.

This writing says that investors in Hungary after 1990 appeared in the domain of socialist companies primarily by the establishment of foreign, joint venture companies and therefore they created their representation in these companies, partly among those who made a socialist party career and partly among the competitive, technocrat managers. In the formation of the economic policy of the future, it is most probably not only the ownership situation of the Hungarian big companies that is determining, but also the fact that who the persons leading these companies are, and what kind of co-operation can be established with these leaderships in order to understand the Hungarian economic goals and to find the common goals.

Dear Friends,

This means that the question is not whether the investment belongs to a multinational company or not. The question is not whether multinational companies are good or bad. The question is which multinational companies are good and which are bad. We always have to investigate whether those who invest here will only stay with us for a couple of years, or they will stay here for 15-20-30 years and will breathe together with us.

Dear Friends, that is how we have to look at the investments in Hungary and we can state that at the turn of the millennium, the degree of the identification with the goals of the nation and the organic infiltration into the national economy will determine that in fact which participants of power, economical or financial life are capable to co-operate with us in the interest of the nation and to support the formation of a modern, civic society in our country in the 21st century.

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,

The notion of the European Union is not a cure-all and not a magic wand. A notion is good or bad, we Hungarians have learned this, only to the extent the people who take the opportunity are good or bad.

Suppose that one million wolfs would organise themselves for righteousness. They would not cease to be a pack of one million wolfs, though. Perhaps the first great philosopher of the early Middle Ages wrote this, let me cite him: "There is only one species on earth to walk with his head high, the human being". Do you know, my dear friends, if we happen to speak about the roots of the European idea, that the original Greek equivalent of the word "human being" (antropos) means "the one who is looking upward", "the one who is aspiring upward"? A being whose wellness does not only depend on the satisfaction of his biological needs, but he also has fixed goals and the desires propelling him in that direction. In other words, its not only bread we are living with. So as to cite the spirit of the late Dénes Csengey, we are heading there, but in a way that all Hungarians should be winners of accession. We believe that it is possible. We believe we are capable of it, because we have been capable of greater things during our history. History has always been a harsh teacher to us, conveying a perseverance that few other European nations can be proud of. We have always achieved our goals with hard struggle and fight. It will not be otherwise from now on, either. Let us keep in mind for the next week: if you want to reach the source, you must swim against the stream.

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,

As a closing remark, let me cite the last three sentences of the document to be debated. For the civic Hungary, the European Union means that only a strong country, capable of respecting herself and of making use of her opportunities, proud of her values, a well-prepared nation, a well-prepared Hungary may enter the European Union in the hope of success. Let us not forget, Europe is our future, a chance and promise. Hungary is our homeland, and so will remain forever.

Come on Hungary, come on Hungarians!

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